Elsewhere the presidency had written that the “pattern” for the city of Zion and its first temple had been “given us of the Lord.” Church leaders in Missouri did have questions about the explanations sent to them, and on 13 August 1833, Bishop Edward Partridge wrote from Jackson County seeking clarification. (Plan of the House of the Lord, between 1 and 25 June 1833; Letter to Vienna Jaques, 4 Sept. 1833.)

Revelation, 2 Jan. 1831, in Book of Commandments 40:10 [D&C 38:11].

Revelation, 2 Jan. 1831, in Book of Commandments 40:14 [D&C 38:16].

Revelation, 2 Jan. 1831, in Book of Commandments 40:21 [D&C 38:26].

Revelation, 9 Feb. 1831, in Book of Commandments 44:12 [D&C 42:11]. This and the three previous locators refer to passages in the Book of Commandments, a compilation of previously dictated revelations. Either the presidency was correcting page proofs, or they were noticing errors in the final printed signatures. The printing establishment in Missouri was destroyed and publication halted before William W. Phelps received these corrections, but in any case the printing of the signatures containing these revelations had been completed. In the 1835 edition of the Doctrine and Covenants, only two of these changes were made: those to chapter 40, verse 14, line 5, and to chapter 44, verse 12, line 6. The other two changes listed here were made in the 1876 edition of the Doctrine and Covenants, perhaps as a result of a later study of this letter. (See Revelation, 2 Jan. 1831, in Doctrine and Covenants 12:3, 4, 5, 1835 ed. [D&C 38:11, 16, 26]; Revelation, 9 Feb. 1831, in Doctrine and Covenants 13:4, 1835 ed. [D&C 42:11]; “‘Regulating’ the Mormonites,” Missouri Republican [St. Louis], 9 Aug. 1833, [3]; and Letter from John Whitmer, 29 July 1833.)

Daily Missouri Republican. St. Louis. 1822–1869.

Whether these inquiries were written before or after Bishop Edward Partridge received JS’s 2 May 1833 letter is unknown. The issues addressed here, however, seem to deal with different aspects of consecration than what is found in the May letter, which offers counsel on how to legally prevent those leaving the church from reclaiming property they had formerly consecrated for the use of the poor. (Letter to Edward Partridge, 2 May 1833.)

Seven months earlier, JS wrote, “It is conterary to the will and commandment of God that those who receive not the inherttenc [inheritance] by consecration agree[a]ble to his law . . . should have there names enrolled with the people of God, neithe[r] is the[ir] geneology to be kept or to be had where it may be found on any of the reccords or hystory of the church there names shall not be found neithe[r] the names of ther fathers or the names of the[ir] children writen in the book of the Law of God saith the Lord of hosts.” (Letter to William W. Phelps, 27 Nov. 1832.)

See Revelation, 11 Nov. 1831–B [D&C 107:78–80].

This is a possible reference to the debt Newel K. Whitney acquired the previous fall when procuring goods in New York for his store, which operated under the governance of the United Firm. (See Minutes, ca. 1 May 1832; Letter to Emma Smith, 13 Oct. 1832; and Frederick G. Williams, Kirtland, OH, to “Dear Brethren,” 10 Oct. 1833, in JS Letterbook 1, pp. 56–60.)

In 1831 Sidney Gilbert was appointed church agent and directed to open a store in Jackson County for the church. Gilbert’s store, an asset of the United Firm, was expected to generate profits for land purchases and for the bishop’s storehouse that could then be used to assist the poor and to finance other projects, including printing church publications under the direction of the Literary Firm. Although this goal would have been difficult to achieve in the best of circumstances, in January 1833 Gilbert was rebuked for having “fearfulness that God will not provide for his saints in their last days and these fears lead him on to covitousness, This ought not so to be, but let him do just as the Lord has commanded him and then the Lord will open his coffers, and his wants will be liberally supplied.” Consistent with that earlier counsel, here the presidency denied Gilbert’s request for financial aid and reminded him that it was his duty, not theirs, to find a way to restock the store and thereby generate funds needed for church operations in Jackson County. (Revelation, 8 June 1831 [D&C 53:4]; Revelation, 20 July 1831 [D&C 57:8–10]; Letter to Edward Partridge et al., 14 Jan. 1833.)

JS had previously expressed his displeasure that letters sent to Missouri addressed to one leader or generically to the “brethren” were not freely circulated among the other leaders or the entire congregation when applicable. A similar sentiment is reiterated by JS in the postscript to this letter. (Letter to Edward Partridge, 2 May 1833.)

This letter has not been located.

Bishops were charged with managing the consecrations and inheritances of church members and looking after the poor among them. Just days after a revelation called Edward Partridge as bishop, another revelation known as “the Law” directed that the residue of members’ consecrations “shall be kept in my store house to administer to the poor and needy as shall be appointed by . . . the Bishop.” Another revelation likewise told Kirtland bishop Newel K. Whitney of his responsibility to “travel round about and among all the churches searching after the poor to administer to ther wants by humbling the rich and the proud.” (Revelation, 4 Feb. 1831 [D&C 41:9]; Revelation, 9 Feb. 1831 [D&C 42:34]; Revelation, 22–23 Sept. 1832 [D&C 84:112].)

The “New translation” refers to JS’s inspired revision of the Bible. On 2 February 1833, Frederick G. Williams recorded that JS had finished his revision work on the New Testament and that it was “sealed up no more to be broken till it goes to Zion.” In early July, a letter from the presidency to Missouri leaders indicated that JS had completed work on the Old Testament. In April, JS clarified that “it is not the will of the Lord to print any of the new translation in the Star but when it is published it will all go to the world together in a volume by itself.” The comment here, however, suggests that publication plans were changing. Indeed, six weeks later, the presidency wrote, “You will see by these revelations that we have to print the new translation here at kirtland for which we will prepare as soon as possible.” In that letter, the presidency clarified that the Church of Christ would publish two editions of the scriptures simultaneously, one in Kirtland and one in Jackson County. (Minute Book 1, 2 Feb. 1833; Letter to Church Leaders in Jackson Co., MO, 2 July 1833; Letter to Church Leaders in Jackson Co., MO, 21 Apr. 1833; Letter to Church Leaders in Jackson Co., MO, 6 Aug. 1833; see also Revelation, 2 Aug. 1833–B [D&C 94:10].)

See Revelation, 15 Mar. 1833 [D&C 92].

While it is not clear exactly to whom this warning is directed, it may have been meant for Sidney Gilbert, who, as noted earlier in this letter, seems to have been unable to earn an adequate profit in the store he ran for the United Firm in Jackson County. The store’s unprofitability or Gilbert’s use of proceeds from the mercantile establishment for unauthorized purposes would have compromised plans to publish the scriptures.

The phrase “Sons of perdition” is also found in the written account of a JS and Sidney Rigdon vision dated February 1832. The vision outlined three levels of heavenly glory and stated that the “sons of perdition” were excluded from any of those three levels. (Vision, 16 Feb. 1832 [D&C 76:43–44].)

“Brethren Hulits” refers to Charles and Sylvester Hulet. Sylvester Hulet was again reprimanded the following year because “the Hulet branch believed that they recieved the word of the Lord by the gift of tongues and would not proceed to their temporal business without recieving the word of the Lord. Silvester would speak and Sally Crandle interpreted. Said that they would not recieve the teachings of ordained members even br. Joseph Smith jr. unless it agreed with their gifts.” (Minute Book 2, 6–7 Aug. 1834; see also Minute Book 2, 31 July–1 Aug. 1834.)

See 1 Timothy 4:1.